WASHINGTON — A veteran C.I.A. officer was killed in combat in Somalia in recent days, according to current and former U.S. officials, a death that is likely to reignite debate over American counterterrorism operations in Africa.
The officer was a member of the C.I.A.’s paramilitary division, the Special Activities Center, and a former member of the Navy’s elite SEAL Team 6.
The identity of the officer remained classified, and the circumstances of the killing were ambiguous. It was unclear whether the officer was killed in a counterterrorism raid or was the victim of an enemy attack, former American officials said. The C.I.A. declined to comment.
The death will lead to another star being added to the wall in the C.I.A.’s lobby, where it memorializes its fallen. The past 20 years have placed a heavy burden on the agency, with dozens of stars bringing the total to 135.
Compared with the U.S. military, the deaths of C.I.A. officers in combat is a relatively rare occurrence. Still, paramilitary work is the most dangerous task at the agency, and members of the Special Activities Center carry out missions as risky as those of Delta Force or SEAL Team 6.
The death of the C.I.A. paramilitary officer comes as a draft order is circulating at the Pentagon under which virtually all of the more than 700 American military forces in Somalia conducting training and counterterrorism missions would depart by the time President Trump leaves office in January.
The Shabab, the Qaeda-affiliated terror group based in Somalia, remains a deadly threat and claimed responsibility this week for killing a group of American-trained Somali soldiers. No Americans were killed in that attack, a military official said.
Inside the C.I.A., Somalia has long been considered a particularly dangerous war zone. Senior intelligence officials have debated whether counterterrorism operations there are worth the risk to American lives. Some in the agency believe the Shabab is at worst a regional threat to Africa and to American interests there but not beyond the region.
But other counterterrorism experts believe that if left unchecked, the Shabab could emerge as the same kind of global threat as the Islamic State and Al Qaeda have been. The Shabab, the most active affiliate of Al Qaeda, issued new threats against Americans in East Africa and in the United States this year. Members of the group were arrested while taking flying lessons in the Philippines, and others have sought to procure surface-to-air missiles.
The growing worries about the Shabab’s expanding ambitions had prompted a flurry of American drone strikes in Somalia during the past two years to keep the group in check.
Covert C.I.A. operations in Somalia are harder to track but are likely to have been stepped up alongside the drone strikes as the agency sought additional information about whom to target in such attacks.
Decisions about whether to alter American counterterrorism operations in Somalia will be an early national security challenge for President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. as he reviews Mr. Trump’s policies.
Still, Mr. Biden may find his options more limited as Mr. Trump considers major changes in his last weeks in office.
The Trump administration plan under discussion would not apply to U.S. troops stationed in nearby Kenya and Djibouti, where American drones that carry out airstrikes in Somalia are based. They would continue to conduct counterterrorism operations against the Shabab, according to officials familiar with the internal deliberations who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
The acting defense secretary, Christopher C. Miller, announced plans last week to reduce troop levels in both Afghanistan and Iraq to 2,500 by January, but Pentagon officials said this week that they were still working out details of the drawdown in Somalia.
Critics said Mr. Trump’s plan to leave Somalia comes at a precarious time for the strife-weary nation in the Horn of Africa. Somalia is gearing up for parliamentary elections next month and a presidential election scheduled for early February. The removal of U.S. troops could complicate any ability to keep election rallies and voting safe from Shabab attackers. Political turmoil has also erupted in neighboring Ethiopia, whose army has battled the Shabab.
Security inside Somalia is increasingly dire despite a sustained flurry of American drone strikes and U.S.-backed ground raids against Shabab fighters, according to a report issued on Wednesday by the inspectors general of the Defense and State Departments and the U.S. Agency for International Development.
“Despite many years of sustained Somali, U.S. and international counterterrorism pressure, the terrorist threat in East Africa is not degraded,” the assessment concluded. “Shabab retains freedom of movement in many parts of southern Somalia and has demonstrated an ability and intent to attack outside of the country, including targeting U.S. interests.”
The paramilitary arm of the C.I.A. has borne the brunt of the agency’s losses since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, according to former officials. Officers on the C.I.A.’s paramilitary teams conduct raids and operations in austere locations, far more dangerous missions than the kind of intelligence collection that is the backbone of the agency.
Many of them were killed in Afghanistan, where over all at least 20 people have died since the beginning of the war there. It is unclear whether other officers have been killed in Somalia in recent years.
Source: New York Times
In March 1977, Ethiopia and Somalia edged toward war over the region of Ogaden, which both claimed. Cuba’s revolutionary President Fidel Castro made a desperate dash to the Horn of Africa with a bold plan to keep the peace: with the backing of the Soviet Union, he proposed to combine Ethiopia, Somalia, South Yemen, and the soon-to-be-independent French Territory of the Afars and the Issas (now Djibouti) into a Marxist-Leninist superstate that would control the Red Sea and the all-important entrance to the Suez Canal. Not only would the merger resolve the long-standing rivalry between Ethiopia and Somalia, it would unleash the region’s economic potential. Even more important to the Kremlin, it would consolidate recent communist gains and make the Soviets the dominant external power in the Horn of Africa.
Castro’s shuttle diplomacy failed to win support from regional leaders, most notably Somali military leader Siad Barre, and soon Somalia and Ethiopia were locked in a vicious war. Yet the idea of an integrated Horn of Africa never died. More than four decades after the Ogaden War, the goal of greater political and economic integration lives on—particularly in Ethiopia, the regional hegemon, which is landlocked and depends on its neighbors for access to the sea. Regional organizations such as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development have also sought to foster integration, as has the United States, which sees deeper trade ties and political cooperation as bulwarks against instability and extremism.
Since he came to power in 2018, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has accelerated the regional integration project. He has forged closer ties with Somalia and with Ethiopia’s erstwhile archenemy Eritrea, even signing a tripartite agreement with the leaders of both countries that established a framework for political, economic, and security cooperation. More ominous, Abiy has publicly suggested that economic integration could be a prelude to political integration and ultimately to a single unified government and military in the Horn of Africa.
Efforts at political integration that come at the expense of sovereignty are bound to provoke conflict and end in failure. But even economic integration efforts that should in times of peace and stability benefit all parties could backfire under the current conditions. In theory, the free movement of people and goods between Ethiopia and Somalia should ease historical tensions, strengthen economic ties, and foster shared growth and prosperity. But in practice, allowing such movement could deepen the mutual suspicion and chronic insecurity that have crippled Somalia’s democratic development.
Simply put, neither Ethiopia nor Somalia is ready for deeper integration. Ethiopia is sliding toward instability and preoccupied with both internal ethnic conflicts and border disputes with Somalia and Eritrea. Somalia, for its part, is too politically fragmented, fragile, and imperiled by extremists to benefit much from regional integration right now. And because Somalia’s current leaders have embraced Ethiopia’s integration agenda without much input from civil society or the public, further implementing that agenda could deepen divisions rather than heal them. Before seeking greater interdependence with its neighbors, therefore, Somalia’s government should focus on turning the tide against the extremist insurgent group al Shabab, strengthening weak and divided governance structures at home, and building on the democratic gains that have been made over the last 20 years.
Somalia has been chronically unstable for nearly 30 years. Its civil war began in 1991, when Barre’s authoritarian regime collapsed and gave way to clan conflicts that ultimately created large swaths of ungoverned territory. This territory proved to be the perfect breeding ground for terrorists, many of whom had trained abroad in Afghanistan and other countries, who eventually established al Shabab, al Qaeda’s most dangerous franchise in Africa.
By the time I was sworn in as president in September 2012, al Shabab controlled large portions of Somalia’s major cities. But with the support of the United States, my government was able to arm and train the Somali security forces to more effectively participate in the fight against al Shabab alongside African Union peacekeepers. Together, we created a special forces battalion modeled after the U.S. Army Rangers. Called the “Danab,” or Lightning Brigade, it pursued al Shabab behind enemy lines, disrupted terror plots, and eliminated important terrorists from the battlefield.
But the military pressure has eased off of al Shabab in recent years. The administration of U.S. President Donald Trump has ramped up airstrikes in Somalia, and more U.S. military personnel are now stationed in Somalia than in any African country aside from Djibouti and Niger. In the final weeks of his administration, however, Trump is reportedly considering withdrawing nearly all of these troops. Moreover, the Somali government and its African Union military partners have slowed the pace of their operations against al Shabab and even lost control of strategic areas such as the Shabelle Valley and towns along the border with Ethiopia. At the same time, al Shabab has carried out hundreds of attacks in Somalia and in neighboring countries. In January 2020, for instance, the group attacked the Manda Bay Airfield in the coastal Kenyan town of Lamu, killing several Kenyan and American troops.
Al Shabab continues to administer a parallel system of government in parts of Mogadishu, the capital, and in southern Somalia, including along stretches of the borders with Kenya and Ethiopia. Before Somalia can begin to think about deepening ties with neighbors and allowing freer movement across its borders, it will need to consolidate control over those borders and over other regions currently controlled by al Shabab. To that end, the Somali government and its African Union partners will need to go back on the offensive against the terrorist group—not just to liberate al Shabab–controlled areas but to hold them permanently so the government can win back hearts and minds.
Governance at both state and federal levels will also need to improve before regional integration can proceed. During my presidency, Somalia began a complicated federation process through which four regional states were formed. Much progress was made initially toward state building and toward reconciliation of clan and regional conflicts. But soon after coming to power in 2017, the current administration of President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed dissolved the leadership of the nascent federal states and installed its allies in their place, weakening the federalization process and triggering conflict with the regional governments.
In the absence of a strong working relationship with regional governments, the federal government has often relied on Ethiopian troops operating outside of the African Union chain of command to advance its political interests in the regional states. In December 2018, for instance, it ordered Ethiopian troops to arrest a former al Shabab spokesman who was running for parliament in the newly formed South West regional state. The arrest sparked days of protests in South West state, to which federal security forces later responded with a violent crackdown. Such transgressions only deepen the Somali public’s suspicion of and antipathy toward Ethiopia, making future aboveboard cooperation more difficult.
In addition to improving governance, Somalia must strengthen its democratic institutions before it seeks closer ties with its neighbors. One reason the current government’s embrace of regional integration efforts has proved so contentious is that ordinary Somalis have had very little say in the matter. While previous governments have often consulted closely with parliament and the regional states on important national issues, the current government has upended that political tradition by making decisions unilaterally. To begin to repair and eventually fortify its democratic institutions, the federal government will need to restore this consultative tradition.
LINKED FATES, SHARED FUTURES
Taken together, Somalia’s problems with security and governance do not augur well for regional integration. But with progress against al Shabab, on governance, and toward democracy, the country might be able to reap the rewards of deeper trade and economic ties with its neighbors in the future. Somalia’s international partners, particularly those from outside the immediate region, can help move Somalia in that direction.
During my presidency, the United States supported Somalia’s government not just militarily but with state building, reconciliation, and democratic governance. Regrettably, during the past three and a half years, the focus of the two countries’ relationship has shifted from a partnership centered on democratization and state building to one centered almost exclusively on security cooperation. As a result, the United States has ignored serious violations of human rights and democratic norms in Mogadishu—including harassment of opposition figures and a vicious war against Somalia’s free press. These violations have caused relations between the federal government and some of the federal member states to break down, impeding security cooperation and allowing al Shabab to regroup and even expand its reach. The United States should think twice before withdrawing its troops from Somalia, which would only embolden the terrorist group. But it should also revive the vital nonsecurity aspects of its relationship with Somalia, without which the country’s democracy will continue to atrophy.
The fates of Somalis and Americans are interlinked, as evidenced by the thriving Somali diaspora in the United States. As a result, Washington has a vested interest in supporting the long-term stability of Somalia and of the greater Horn of Africa region. That stability cannot be achieved without security, democracy, and the rule of law—precisely the preconditions that are necessary to transform the regional integration project from a dream into a reality.
HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD served as President of Somalia from 2012 to 2017.
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Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed on Sunday gave the leaders of a dissident northern region 72 hours to surrender ahead of a threatened all-out assault on Tigray’s capital, Mekele.
Abiy — last year’s Nobel Peace Prize winner — launched the military campaign against the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) on November 4, accusing it of attacking two federal military camps in the region, and of defying his government and seeking to destabilise it.
A communications blackout in the region has made claims from both sides difficult to verify but hundreds of people are reported to have been killed while tens of thousands have fled the fighting into neighbouring Sudan.
“Your journey of destruction is coming to an end, and we urge you to surrender peacefully within the next 72 hours, recognising you are at a point of no return,” Abiy said in a statement aimed at the leaders of the TPLF party.
“Take this last opportunity,” he added.
Abiy also called on the TPLF forces to “surrender peacefully” and urged the people of Mekele to side with the army “in bringing this treasonous group to justice”
– ‘Save yourself’ –
Earlier in the day, the Ethiopian army had threatened to besiege the city of half a million and warned civilians to flee while they still could.
“The next decisive battle is to surround Mekele with tanks,” Dejene Tsegaye, a military spokesman, told state broadcasters.
Dejene added a warning to Mekele’s residents: “Save yourself. A directive has been communicated for you to dissociate yourself from this junta, after that there will be no mercy.”
Abiy’s government has claimed the capture of a string of towns in recent days, including the ancient city of Aksum and the town of Edega Hamus, 100 kilometres (60 miles) north of Mekele.
“Defence forces have controlled Edaga Hamus city, which is on the road from Adigrat to Mekele,” the Ethiopia State of Emergency Fact Check, a government agency, said Sunday.
“The defence forces are currently marching on the campaign’s last goal, Mekele city.”
– ‘Fierce fighting’ –
TPLF leader Debretsion Gebremichael promised “fierce fighting” to hold up the Ethiopian Defence Forces (EDF) advance. “They’ll continue to pay for every move,” he told AFP.
Debretsion warned that an assault on Mekele will not be the conflict’s endgame.
“As long as the occupation force is in Tigray, fighting will not stop,” he said.
The TPLF led the overthrow of Mengistu Hailemariam, head of Ethiopia’s military Derg regime, in 1991 and dominated the country’s politics until Abiy became prime minister in 2018.
The party continues to rule Tigray, one of 10 regional states under Ethiopia’s system of federalism whereby regions are delineated by ethnicity and language.
TPLF leaders have complained of being sidelined by Abiy and blamed for the country’s woes.
– Bitter feud –
The bitter feud with the central government led the TPLF to hold their own elections this year despite the postponement of national polls due to the coronavirus pandemic.
Abiy has spurned all calls for peace, including from the African Union — which plans to send three former national presidents as special envoys in the coming days — and from the US and the UN which has warned of a looming humanitarian disaster.
His government regards the TPLF as a criminal administration and appears intent on winning the military battle rather than negotiating.
Military action has already spread beyond Tigray’s borders with the TPLF firing rockets at Asmara, the capital of neighbouring Eritrea to the north, which it accuses of supporting the Ethiopian government, and at the city of Bahir Dar to the southwest.
The campaign has seen warplanes bombing Tigray and heavy fighting.
Amnesty International has documented a gruesome massacre in which “scores, and likely hundreds, of people were stabbed or hacked to death” in the southwestern town of Mai-Kadra.
The UN has called for the opening of humanitarian corridors to allow aid agencies access, and has said it is preparing for as many as 200,000 refugees to flee the unrest in the coming months.
MINNEAPOLIS (AP) — U.S. Rep. Ilhan Omar is cutting ties with her husband’s political consulting firm after winning her bid for reelection, saying she wants to ensure her supporters feel there’s no perceived issue.
Omar married her political consultant, Tim Mynett, in March, sparking scrutiny and a complaint to the Federal Election Commission by a conservative group that alleged campaign funds paid for Mynett’s personal travel. The FEC has taken no public action on that complaint, and Omar has said payments to Mynett’s firm, E Street Group, were legitimate.
In an email to her supporters on Sunday, Omar said her campaign was terminating its contract with E Street Group to “make sure that anybody who is supporting our campaign with their time or financial support feels there is no perceived issue with that support,” the Star Tribune reported.
She also wrote: “Every dollar that was spent went to a team of more than twenty that were helping us fight back against attacks and organize on the ground and online in a COVID-19 world. And Tim — beyond his salary at the firm — received no profit whatsoever from the consulting relationship the firm provided.”
A campaign spokesman told The Associated Press on Monday that Omar commits to not using Mynett’s firm in future campaigns.
Omar won reelection to a second term, easily defeating Republican challenger Lacy Johnson in the heavily Democratic 5th District. She also defeated primary challenger Anton Melton-Meaux, whose well-funded race highlighted controversies involving Omar, including her connection to Mynett.
Omar told supporters, “you deserve to be a part of a movement that you can rely on, believe in, and know that it is holding itself to the highest possible standards.”
Omar’s campaign was big business for E Street Group. The campaign reported paying the firm more than $1.1 million for advertising and consulting in the third quarter of this year alone.
The United States on Tuesday put on its terror blacklist the leader of an elite unit of Al-Shabaab blamed for a January attack in Kenya that killed three Americans.
The State Department said that it was listing Maalim Ayman, leader of the Al-Shabaab squad Jaysh Ayman, as well as Abdullahi Osman Mohamed, who manages both explosives and media for the Al-Qaeda-linked movement as a whole, as Specially Designated Global Terrorists.
Authorities say the Jaysh Ayman unit carried out the January attack on Camp Simba on Kenya’s northern coast, killing three American personnel and destroying several aircraft.
A 2018 study by the Jamestown Foundation described Jaysh Ayman as the Somali-based Al-Shabaab’s effort to create a well-equipped “local” unit inside Kenya.
Kenya has suffered a series of devastating attacks since it sent troops into Somalia in 2011 as part of an African Union mission that chased Al-Shabaab out of the capital Mogadishu.
Al-Shabaab — designated by Washington as a terrorist movement in 2008 — was suspected in another suicide attack Tuesday at a Mogadishu restaurant that killed at last five people.
Nathan Sales, the State Department counterterrorism coordinator, said that the United States was working with Kenya, Somalia and other nations to apply “all instruments of national power” against Al-Shabaab.
The designation freezes any assets the individuals may have in the United States and makes it a crime to assist them.
“Whether or not they have assets in the United States, sanctions have very powerful secondary consequences because it makes it that much harder for designated individuals or organizations to move money in the international financial system,” Sales told reporters.
Tababaraha Real Madrid ee Zidane ayaa hoosta ka xariiqay in Vazquez uu mudan hishiis cusub in laga saxiixo waliba waxa uu xusay in laacibka jaceyl kal iyo laab ah ah uu u qabo kooxda
” Mar waliba waxa uu jecel yahay in uu u nafta u quuro kooxda , mar waliba qiimeyn gaar ah ayaan ku sameeyaa”
” Haatan waxa uu haystaa fursad uu ku muujiyo qiimaha uu leeyahay , dhab ahaan waan ku faraxsanahay in uu kooxda nala joogo” ayuu sii raaciyay Zidane
Intaas kuma joojin Zidane” Vazquez waa xiddig muhiim ah , waxaan rajeynayaa in dhawaan hishiis cusub ka saxiixanno”.
Vazquez ayaa qeyb muhiim ah ka qaatay xalay guushii Real ee Inter xilligaas oo uu soo bandhigay ciyaar aad u qurux badan
Kooxda Arsenal aya isha ku haysa in ay goosato tigidhkeeda wareega xiga ee tartanka Europa League marka ay la ciyaari doonaan kooxda Molde kulan ka tirsan Tartanka Europa Leageu.
Dhawr xiddig oo da’yar ah ayaa kooxda raacay waxana uu Mikel Arteta fursad siin doonaa xiddigaas kulanka caawa soo dhici doona 8:55 daqiiqo.
Gunners ayaa badisay dhamaan 3-dii kulan ee ay ciyaartay waxana ay isha ku haysaa in ay sii wadato rikoodhkeeda tartanka ee xilli ciyaareedkan.
Mikel Arteta ayaa is badal ku samayn doona shaxdiisa isaga oo nasin doona xiddigaha waaweyn ee kooxda si ay taam ugu noqdaan kulanka Wolves ee Axada.
Hadaba halkan hoose kaga bogo sawirka shaxda laga yaabo in uu Mikel Arteta ku soo galo kulanka Molde.
Sii Akhriso: XASAASI: Al-Shabaab Oo 7 Qof Oo Hal Qoys Ka Tirsan Ku Dilay Maamul Goboleedka Koonfur Galbeed
Xiddiga garabka uga ciyaara kooxda Real Madrid ee Eden Hazard ayaa ka baxay abaartii gool dhalinta ee tartanka champions League kadib markii uu gool-ka 1-aad u dhaliyay kooxdiisa kulankii Inter Milan ee champions League.
Eden Hazard ayaa dhaliyay rikoodhe loo dhigay kooxdiisa kadib markii khalad lagu galay xiddiga daafaca ka ciyaara ee Nacho taas oo rikoodhe loogu dhigay kooxda Real Madrid.
Xiddiga reer Beguim ayaa shabaqa dhex dhigay kubada isaga oo sidaas kaga baxay abaarta gool dhalinta tartanka champions Leageu oo muddo haysatay.
Eden Hazard ayaan wax gool ah ka dhalin champions League 727 maalin oo dhamaystiran taas oo laba sano ku dhaw.
Markii ugu dambaysay ee uu Hazard gool ka dhaliyo champions League ayaa ahayd 22 bishii November 2017 isaga oo gool ka dhaliyay kooxda Qarabağ FK isaga oo u ciyaarayay kooxda chelsea.
Real Madrid ayaa guul ay u qalantay waxa ay kala soo laabteen garoonka Inter oo ay uga talaabsaden laba gool oo nadiif , waxa ayna wada ciyaareen kulan tirsan wareegga afaraad ee Group-yada Champion-ka
Inter Milan kulankaan ma laheyn xaraarad oo ma jirrin xamaasad ay muujiyeen waxa ayna u muuqdeen kuwo aan ku soo talo gallin in ay natiijo wacan kala baxaan kulankaas.
Real waxa ay soo bandhigeen ciyaar taatiko ahaan aad u wacan farsamo iyo jir ahaanna waa ay ka sareeyeen Inter Milan .
Goolka 1-aad ee Real waxa uu ahaa rigoore waxaana daqiiqadii 7-aad saxiixay Hazard halka kan labaad uu yimid daqiiqadii 59-aad waxaana ka dib markii la soo giliyay il biriqsiyo ka dib dhaliyay Rodrygo kaasi oon waqtigaas lagu badalay Mariano Diaz .
Inter waxaa kaarka casaanka laga siiyay Vidal ka dib markii uu dood la galay garsooraha oo uu ku haystay in aan loo dhigin qalad rigoore oo lagu galay balse lama oga in uu aflagaado sameeyay iyo in kale waxaana kaarkaas cas loo taagay daqiiqadii 33-aadc.
Xiddiga Oedegaard oo kulankaas la badalay daqiiqaddii 58-aad waqtigaas oo la soo giliyay Casemiro waxa uu soo bandhigay ciyaar aad u qurxoon , aragti dheer, kubad sameyn iyo deganaan ayuu muujiyay xilli Nacho isna uu mudan yahay ammaan
Inter Milan waa ay adkeyd in kubadda cagtooda ku daahdo , weerar ahaan waa ay fashilnaanyeen xilli Real kulankaas laga bad baadiyay dhowr fursad oo xaqiiq ah oo ay birta ku jirtay .
Inter , niyad ahaan waa ay is dhiibeen ka dib kaarka cas mana jirrinw ax ay sameynayeen oo ciyaarta diiradda ma aysan saareyn xilli Real badelka sedexaad sameeyeen daqiiqadii 78-aad waqtigaas oo ay soo giliyeen Junior oo loo badalay Hazard
Guud ahaan kulankaas waxaa kubadda haystay Real waa ayna mudnaayeen guushaas xilli lagu dhameystay ciyaarta 2 gool oo nadiif ah
Kooxda Liverpool ayaa marti galinaysa kooxda Atalanta kulan adag oo ka dhici doona Anfield kana tirsan wareega Group-yada tartana champions League.
Tababare Jurgen Klopp ayaa is badal weyn ku sameeyay shaxdiisa isaga oo kaydka dhigay xiddiga Fabinho, Firmino.
Sidoo kale Klopp ayaa garbaha daafaca ku bilaabay xiddigaha Neco Williams & Tsimikas halka uu Mohamed Salah weerarka la hogaaminayo Mane iyo Origi.
Dhanka kale Inter Milan ayaa marti galinaysa kulanka ugu adag ee champions League kooxda Real Madrid kulan labada kooxoodba isha ku hayaan guul.
Shaxda Rasmiga Ah Ee Liverpool Vs Atalanta:
Liverpool: Alisson; N Williams, R Williams, Matip, Tsimikas; Milner, Wijnaldum, Jones; Salah, Origi, Mane.
Kaydka: Adrian, Kelleher, Fabinho, Firmino, Minamino, Jota, Robertson, Cain, Clarkson, Koumetio.
Atalanta: Gollini; Toloi, Romero, Djimsiti; Hateboer, De Roon, Freuler, Gosens; Ilicic, Pessina; Gomez
Shaxda Rasmiga Ah Ee Inter Milan Vs Real Madrid:
Inter: Handanovic; Skriniar, De Vrij, Bastoni; Hakimi, Barella, Gagliardini, Young; Vidal; Lukaku, Lautaro Martinez
Real Madrid: Courtois; Carvajal, Varane, Nacho, Mendy; Modric, Odegaard, Lucas Vazquez, Mariano, Hazard
Kooxda Liverpool ayaa lagu soo waramayaa inay diyaar u tahay inay iibiso labada Xiddig ee Divock Origi iyo Xherdan Shaqiri marka la gaadho suuqa January si ay u helaan lacag ay kula soo saxiixdaan xiddigo cusub.
Origi ayaa ku bilowday shaxda Reds kulankii Atalanta ee champions League laakiin xiddiga 25 jirka ah ayaa ku dhibaatooday in uu wax samayn ah ku yeesho kooxda.
Wararkii ugu dambeeyay ayaa sheegaya in uu xiddigu u furanyahay in uu isaga tago Reds marka uu furmo suuqa January si uu boos uga helo xulka qaranka Belgum tartanka Euro-da.
Dhanka kale shaqiri ayaa kaliya 2 kulan oo premier League ah u saftay Liverpool xilli ciyaareedkan waxana uu ka baxay qorshaha tababare Jurgen Klopp.
Wargayska Express ayaa sheegaya in ay Liverpool doonayso in ay iska iibiso labada xiddig marka la gaadho suuqa January si ay lacagtooda ugu dhaqaaqaan daafaca dhexe suuqa January.
Sii Akhriso: XASAASI: Al-Shabaab Oo 7 Qof Oo Hal Qoys Ka Tirsan Ku Dilay Maamul Goboleedka Koonfur Galbeed
GOOBJOOG NEWS|MOGADISHU: The head of the national spy agency NISA must resign and all federal and state-level interim elections committees be dissolved to pave way for impartial appointments, a team of 14 presidential candidates meeting in a week-long conference in Mogadishu has demanded.
The candidates who include former presidents and prime ministers said the embattled intelligence director was President Mohamed Farmajo’s chief re-election campaigner and is therefore no longer fit to serve in the crucial post.
“Mr. Fahad Yassin Haji Dahir, should resign as the head of NISA, as he is the head of the re-election campaign of outgoing presidential candidate Mr. Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo, to ensure the impartiality of NISA,” the 18-point communique read in part.
DISSOLVE FGS/FMS POLL TEAMS
Noting that the Federal and State Level interim elections committees had been packed with civil servants, intelligence officials and cronies, the candidates said, they must be disbanded and new ones appointed. The remarks echo similar concerns by political parties and civil society groups who have accused Farmaajo and the Federal Member States of seeking to manipulate the elections through the appointment of their ‘own people’.
The leaders also called for the withdrawal of federal forces who were deployed in Gedo region at the height of differences between the Federal Government and Jubbaland administration early this year.
Should the government fail to hold a consultative election, the leaders said, “We will hold a parallel electoral process to save the country from a constitutional crisis and power vacuum.’
Other demands put forth by the leaders include the appointment of elections committee for Somaliland which they said should be left to Senate speaker Abdi Hashi ‘since he is the senior-most elected leader’ from the breakaway region. Hashi has since appointed an eight-member team to oversee the election of lawmakers from Somaliland.
Election of Somaliland lawmakers should be moved to the Airforce hanger in Afgooye in the presence of the international community.
Similarly, the election of representatives for the Banadir community in Mogadishu should be held at the police academy in Afisyoni located in Hamar Jajab district, the communique reads. The 2016 elections for the Banaadiri community were held in Mogadishu.
On the security of elections, the leaders said only the police and AMISOM should be tasked with the responsibility and that the military should be locked out of the exercise.
In their arguments, the leaders said President Farmaajo had violated ‘the constitution, trust and agreements’ reached during various meetings.
They also demanded that Farmaajo be stopped ‘from misappropriating the country’s resources and using public funds, government offices, the army and employees of the Federal Government for his election campaign.’
The new demands are likely to spiral into another round of political contestations with the Federal Government which has for the longest had little headroom for discussions with opposition groups.
November 26, 2020 | Published by: yaska
Ra’iisul Wasaarihii hore ee Suudaan Saadiq Al Mahdi ayaa u Geeriyooday cudurka Covid-19 xilli lagu daweynayay cisbitaal ku yaalla dalka Imaaraatka Carabta, sida ay sheegeen qoyskiisa iyo xisbiga uu ka tirsanaa ee NUP.
Waxaana cisbitaalkan la dhigay kaddib markii Koobyo labaatan qof oo ka tirsan qoyska Al Mahdi ay qaadeen cudurka horraantii bishan.
Saadiq Al Mahdi wuxuu ahaa Ra’iisul Wasaarihii Suudaan tan iyo sanadkii 1989-kii xilliggaas oo xilka looga tuuray afgembigii uu garwadeen ka ahaa madaxweynihii hore ee Suudaan Cumar Al Bashiir.