Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed on Sunday gave the leaders of a dissident northern region 72 hours to surrender ahead of a threatened all-out assault on Tigray’s capital, Mekele.
Abiy — last year’s Nobel Peace Prize winner — launched the military campaign against the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) on November 4, accusing it of attacking two federal military camps in the region, and of defying his government and seeking to destabilise it.
A communications blackout in the region has made claims from both sides difficult to verify but hundreds of people are reported to have been killed while tens of thousands have fled the fighting into neighbouring Sudan.
“Your journey of destruction is coming to an end, and we urge you to surrender peacefully within the next 72 hours, recognising you are at a point of no return,” Abiy said in a statement aimed at the leaders of the TPLF party.
“Take this last opportunity,” he added.
Abiy also called on the TPLF forces to “surrender peacefully” and urged the people of Mekele to side with the army “in bringing this treasonous group to justice”
– ‘Save yourself’ –
Earlier in the day, the Ethiopian army had threatened to besiege the city of half a million and warned civilians to flee while they still could.
“The next decisive battle is to surround Mekele with tanks,” Dejene Tsegaye, a military spokesman, told state broadcasters.
Dejene added a warning to Mekele’s residents: “Save yourself. A directive has been communicated for you to dissociate yourself from this junta, after that there will be no mercy.”
Abiy’s government has claimed the capture of a string of towns in recent days, including the ancient city of Aksum and the town of Edega Hamus, 100 kilometres (60 miles) north of Mekele.
“Defence forces have controlled Edaga Hamus city, which is on the road from Adigrat to Mekele,” the Ethiopia State of Emergency Fact Check, a government agency, said Sunday.
“The defence forces are currently marching on the campaign’s last goal, Mekele city.”
– ‘Fierce fighting’ –
TPLF leader Debretsion Gebremichael promised “fierce fighting” to hold up the Ethiopian Defence Forces (EDF) advance. “They’ll continue to pay for every move,” he told AFP.
Debretsion warned that an assault on Mekele will not be the conflict’s endgame.
“As long as the occupation force is in Tigray, fighting will not stop,” he said.
The TPLF led the overthrow of Mengistu Hailemariam, head of Ethiopia’s military Derg regime, in 1991 and dominated the country’s politics until Abiy became prime minister in 2018.
The party continues to rule Tigray, one of 10 regional states under Ethiopia’s system of federalism whereby regions are delineated by ethnicity and language.
TPLF leaders have complained of being sidelined by Abiy and blamed for the country’s woes.
– Bitter feud –
The bitter feud with the central government led the TPLF to hold their own elections this year despite the postponement of national polls due to the coronavirus pandemic.
Abiy has spurned all calls for peace, including from the African Union — which plans to send three former national presidents as special envoys in the coming days — and from the US and the UN which has warned of a looming humanitarian disaster.
His government regards the TPLF as a criminal administration and appears intent on winning the military battle rather than negotiating.
Military action has already spread beyond Tigray’s borders with the TPLF firing rockets at Asmara, the capital of neighbouring Eritrea to the north, which it accuses of supporting the Ethiopian government, and at the city of Bahir Dar to the southwest.
The campaign has seen warplanes bombing Tigray and heavy fighting.
Amnesty International has documented a gruesome massacre in which “scores, and likely hundreds, of people were stabbed or hacked to death” in the southwestern town of Mai-Kadra.
The UN has called for the opening of humanitarian corridors to allow aid agencies access, and has said it is preparing for as many as 200,000 refugees to flee the unrest in the coming months.
MINNEAPOLIS (AP) — U.S. Rep. Ilhan Omar is cutting ties with her husband’s political consulting firm after winning her bid for reelection, saying she wants to ensure her supporters feel there’s no perceived issue.
Omar married her political consultant, Tim Mynett, in March, sparking scrutiny and a complaint to the Federal Election Commission by a conservative group that alleged campaign funds paid for Mynett’s personal travel. The FEC has taken no public action on that complaint, and Omar has said payments to Mynett’s firm, E Street Group, were legitimate.
In an email to her supporters on Sunday, Omar said her campaign was terminating its contract with E Street Group to “make sure that anybody who is supporting our campaign with their time or financial support feels there is no perceived issue with that support,” the Star Tribune reported.
She also wrote: “Every dollar that was spent went to a team of more than twenty that were helping us fight back against attacks and organize on the ground and online in a COVID-19 world. And Tim — beyond his salary at the firm — received no profit whatsoever from the consulting relationship the firm provided.”
A campaign spokesman told The Associated Press on Monday that Omar commits to not using Mynett’s firm in future campaigns.
Omar won reelection to a second term, easily defeating Republican challenger Lacy Johnson in the heavily Democratic 5th District. She also defeated primary challenger Anton Melton-Meaux, whose well-funded race highlighted controversies involving Omar, including her connection to Mynett.
Omar told supporters, “you deserve to be a part of a movement that you can rely on, believe in, and know that it is holding itself to the highest possible standards.”
Omar’s campaign was big business for E Street Group. The campaign reported paying the firm more than $1.1 million for advertising and consulting in the third quarter of this year alone.
The United States on Tuesday put on its terror blacklist the leader of an elite unit of Al-Shabaab blamed for a January attack in Kenya that killed three Americans.
The State Department said that it was listing Maalim Ayman, leader of the Al-Shabaab squad Jaysh Ayman, as well as Abdullahi Osman Mohamed, who manages both explosives and media for the Al-Qaeda-linked movement as a whole, as Specially Designated Global Terrorists.
Authorities say the Jaysh Ayman unit carried out the January attack on Camp Simba on Kenya’s northern coast, killing three American personnel and destroying several aircraft.
A 2018 study by the Jamestown Foundation described Jaysh Ayman as the Somali-based Al-Shabaab’s effort to create a well-equipped “local” unit inside Kenya.
Kenya has suffered a series of devastating attacks since it sent troops into Somalia in 2011 as part of an African Union mission that chased Al-Shabaab out of the capital Mogadishu.
Al-Shabaab — designated by Washington as a terrorist movement in 2008 — was suspected in another suicide attack Tuesday at a Mogadishu restaurant that killed at last five people.
Nathan Sales, the State Department counterterrorism coordinator, said that the United States was working with Kenya, Somalia and other nations to apply “all instruments of national power” against Al-Shabaab.
The designation freezes any assets the individuals may have in the United States and makes it a crime to assist them.
“Whether or not they have assets in the United States, sanctions have very powerful secondary consequences because it makes it that much harder for designated individuals or organizations to move money in the international financial system,” Sales told reporters.
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – Al Qaeda’s second-in-command, accused of helping to mastermind the 1998 bombings of two U.S. embassies in Africa, was killed in Iran in August by Israeli operatives acting at the behest of the United States, the New York Times reported, citing intelligence officials.
Abdullah Ahmed Abdullah, who went by the nom de guerre Abu Muhammad al-Masri, was gunned down by two men on a motorcycle in the streets of Tehran on Aug. 7, the Times reported on Friday.
The killing of Masri, who was seen as a likely successor to al Qaeda’s current leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, was kept secret until now, the newspaper said.
A senior Afghan security source told Reuters in October that Masri, who has long been on the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Most Wanted Terrorists list, had been killed in the Pasdaran area of Tehran. Reuters had been unable to corroborate that information.
It was unclear what, if any, role the United States had in the killing of the Egyptian-born militant, the Times said. U.S. authorities had been tracking Masri and other al Qaeda operatives in Iran for years, it said.
Al Qaeda has not announced his death, Iranian officials have covered it up and no government has publicly claimed responsibility, the Times said.
Iran on Saturday denied the report, saying there were no al Qaeda “terrorists” on its soil.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh said in a statement that the United States and Israel sometimes “try to tie Iran to such groups by lying and leaking false information to the media in order to avoid responsibility for the criminal activities of this group and other terrorist groups in the region”.
The administration of President Donald Trump’s “scare-mongering tactic against Iran has become routine,” Khatibzadeh said.
A U.S. official, speaking to Reuters on condition of anonymity, declined to confirm any details of the Times story or say whether there was any U.S. involvement. The White House National Security Council did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
The Israeli prime minister’s office said it was not commenting on the report.
Israel has said in the past that its intelligence services have penetrated Iran in recent years, including saying in 2018 that it had smuggled out an alleged archive of Iranian nuclear secrets.
Masri, one of al Qaeda’s founding leaders, was killed along with his daughter, the Times reported. She was the widow of former al Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden’s son.
Osama bin Laden orchestrated the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the United States and was killed in a U.S. raid in Pakistan in 2011.
Shi’ite Iran and al Qaeda, a Sunni Muslim militant organization, have long been enemies.
Masri had been in Iran’s “custody” since 2003 but had been living freely in an upscale suburb of Tehran since 2015, the Times cited unnamed U.S. intelligence officials as saying.
U.S. counterterrorism officials believe Iran, also a U.S. enemy, may have let him live there to conduct operations against U.S. targets, the Times said.
There was an unusual killing in Tehran on Aug. 7, the day Masri was reportedly killed, that was reported by Iranian state media at the time. State media said on Aug. 8 that a Lebanese man and his daughter had been killed in the northern Tehran neighbourhood of Pasdaran by unknown assailants on motorcycle.
They identified the man as Habib Dawoud, a 58-year-old history teacher, and his daughter Mariam, 27.
The semi-official Mehr news agency quoted a Tehran police source as saying the two were in a vehicle and were “shot four times from the driver’s side”.
The Iranian government did not confirm the incident at the time, although on Aug. 8 the official IRNA news agency reported that the public relations office of Tehran’s Provincial Government had tweeted the report quoting several media, including social media accounts.
It was not immediately known what, if any, impact Masri’s death has had on al Qaeda’s activities. Even as it has lost senior leaders in the nearly two decades since the attacks on New York and Washington, it has maintained active affiliates from the Middle East to Afghanistan to West Africa.
The report of al-Masri’s killing comes weeks after the killing of two other senior al Qaeda leaders in Afghanistan by local security forces.
In October, Afghan security forces killed Abu Muhsin al-Masri, another person on the FBI’s terrorist list, while the Afghan government this month announced that it had killed yet another senior al Qaeda commander.
Two civilians were injured in an airstrike conducted by the United States military in Somalia earlier in the year, the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) said in a report.
AFRICOM on Friday released its third quarterly civilian casualty assessment report which it said was part of its commitment to improving transparency and accountability in its assessment and reporting of civilian casualty allegations.
The incident occurred in mid-February in the vicinity of the town of Jilib in southern Somalia. AFRICOM reported at the time that a facility operated by the Islamist militant group Al-Shabaab had been destroyed.
“After a thorough assessment of the facts and circumstances, USAFRICOM substantiated one of these incidents as having resulted in two civilian injuries relating to an airstrike on Feb. 17, 2020,” AFRICOM said in a statement.
AFRICOM added that the incident had been reported to the U.S. Embassy in Mogadishu, the U.S. Congress, and the Federal Government of Somalia.
Jilib has been identified as one of Al-Shabaab’s strongholds in the southern region and has seen an increase in security operations with the U.S. military conducting at least six airstrikes in the area so far in 2020.
A total of six open cases were under assessment by AFRICOM even as it said it had received six additional allegations on a previously reported incident which remained open and was being assessed.
AFRICOM said three incidents remained open and under review, including two from the previous report.
AFRICOM commander U.S. Army Gen. Stephen Townsend said the military works hard to avoid civilian casualties during such operations aimed at bringing increased security and stability to Somalia.
“In my 38 years of experience, including combat operations in Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria, I have never seen more pain-staking efforts to strike with precision and limit any harm to civilians,” Townsend said.
“Our efforts to degrade dangerous terrorist threats while also avoiding civilian causalities and remaining transparent are without parallel.”
AFRICOM said that its civilian casualty assessment varies with that of other organisations, including the NGO community, due to various factors. Some of them include AFRICOM’s reliable layered intelligence sources which are not available to the public and limited access to areas where AFRICOM conducts military operations or airstrikes.
Last year in March, human rights group Amnesty International called for the United States to do an independent investigation into allegations that its increased air strikes in Somalia had killed several civilians.
With many focused on the dangerous conflict in Ethiopia, Somalia is facing a triple security crisis. If unaddressed, it could severely jeopardize the country’s halting progress.As I’ve written previously, the first crisis is that Ethiopia’s instability and ethnic strife harm Somalia’s security. The second, discussed here, is upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections in Somalia, scheduled for December 2020 and February 2021, which are raising tensions among and between Somalia’s federal government, Somalia’s federal member states, and clans. The third, also discussed in this piece, is the Trump administration’s decision to withdraw the majority of U.S. special operations forces from Somalia by January 15, 2021, which will further weaken the various struggling anti-Shabab forces and strengthen the jihadists.
Somalia should consider delaying the elections by two or three months, if it can reach consensus to do so among Somali politicians (rather than force a unilateral decision by Mogadishu); and Washington should keep U.S. special forces in Somalia through Somalia’s elections.
THE ELECTION RISKS
After political deadlock during much of this year, Somalia is at the last minute organizing parliamentary elections for December 2020 and presidential ones for February 2021. Delayed by months of quarrels over process (more on that in a minute), the preparations now severely lag behind. Tensions are running high among the federal government of Somalia, federal member states, and Somalia’s various clans over the distribution of military, political, and economic resources between the capital and the regions.
President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed (known as “Farmajo”) is running for reelection, but many influential politicians — such as presidents of several federal member states and rival clan elders — do not want to see him reelected. Al-Shabab and even the far-less potent and more territorially-restricted Islamic State in Somalia can disrupt the elections. As before, there are risks of vote-buying and fraud. Most dangerously, there is a high possibility of violence both during the elections and after winners are declared.
Under pressure from the United States, the United Kingdom, and the United Nations, Mohamed gave up on the one-person, one-vote ambition in September 2020, and Somalia’s political leaders accepted the so-called Mogadishu Model: Clan elders, nominated by clans and verified by federal and state authorities, select electoral college delegates. These electoral colleges, set up for each lower-chamber parliamentary seat, select the parliamentary representatives; the parliamentary representatives then select the president. State assemblies select members of the upper chamber.
Each step provides rife opportunities for bribery and patronage. The system reinforces clan identity, a fundamental but problematic cleavage of political and social life in Somalia. Registration lists of the selectors, like clan elders, remain deficient and contested. At first glance, there appear to be several improvements on the similar 2016 model: Each electoral college will now have 101 members, larger than before. Altogether, there will be 27,775 delegates. Each federal member state now has two voting locations, instead of one. But will those changes make bribery more difficult, or merely more expensive? The quota of seats reserved for women increased to 30%, but will it be filled?
Elections of state assemblies are also violence-prone, as they directly intersect the crucible of Somalia’s center-periphery tensions: President Mohamed will seek to promote his allies while his political rivals (such as Jubaland’s President Ahmed Madobe and Puntland’s President Said Abdullahi Dani) will perpetuate their iron-fist regimes and back their allies. Meanwhile, Somalia’s powerful clans are also mobilizing, and apparently arming, at local and national levels to attempt to sway the elections.
There is potential for good news: In theory, Somalia’s civil society is for the first time given a chance to work with clan elders to select electoral college delegates, and might have a more formal monitoring role. But only weeks before elections, many key dimensions of the process are problematic: The exact civil society role is undefined, reducing its capacity to fight corruption and promote inclusion; electoral dispute-resolution mechanisms are incomplete; and authorities and procedures between the federal electoral commission and regional electoral commissions are murky.
Perhaps the greatest danger is that losers and those opposed to Mohamed, should he be reelected, will simply reject the results. That could set off complex violent conflicts benefitting al-Shabab. Prior contested elections in the South West State and in Jubaland, where Mohamed sought to install his allies, led to violence. The post-election military skirmishes in Jubaland were particularly threatening as they brought two AMISOM members close to military blows: Kenya, supporting Jubaland’s president Ahmed Madobe, and Ethiopia, supporting Mohamed and his local allies.
THE RISKS OF A U.S. TROOP WITHDRAWAL
The Trump administration’s decision to rapidly withdraw U.S. soldiers from Somalia throws an additional wrench into the elections and Somalia’s security situation more broadly. Although it is not clear whether the policy, signaled since October and affirmed last week, has been transmitted as an order to military commanders in the field, its mere anticipation is destabilizing.
The 700 U.S. Special Operations Forces in Somalia have several functions, ”For years, many foreign donors as well as many Somalis have hoped that Somalia would move toward a direct one-person, one-vote system. Such direct elections would allow more inclusive political representation and enhance accountability. President Mohamed embraced that agenda in early 2020, persuading the lower chamber of Somalia’s parliament to pass a new electoral law to that effect. But the upper chamber and Somalia’s rival politicians demurred. Presidents of federal member states and politicians whom Mohamed has sought to weaken and/or remove from office — and who have had explosive relations with Mogadishu — perceived the change as Mohamed’s last-minute ploy to extend his rule by preventing elections from taking place on time. Indeed, the organizational challenges of implementing any such new electoral system would be immense.
So would the security obstacles, already threatening the current indirect electoral college design. Security in Somalia has been slowly but steadily deteriorating, with al-Shabab conducting attacks along major Somali roads and in major Somali cities across much of the country, including Mogadishu. Neither Somali security forces nor the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), an international stabilization force, have mounted anywhere near adequate preparations for the elections. Fractious federal member states may not welcome Somali federal forces to secure the elections, but their state forces are also potentially biased and/or unprepared.
They train the most capable multi-clan unit of the Somali National Army — the 850-men strong Danab brigade — and support its anti-Shabab operations. While Danab has had only tactical successes and has not altered Somalia’s strategic security picture, it does disrupt devastating terrorist attacks. And it is an exemplar of capacities and cohesion for the Somali National Army. But there are fears that the U.S. withdrawal will lead to the unit’s collapse, raising questions about the sustainability of such U.S. training efforts.
S. soldiers on the ground strengthen air power targeting. The bombing has failed to crush al-Shabab as Washington had hoped. But it prevents al-Shabab from massing, thus complicating the jihadists’ attempts to overrun AMISOM and Somali bases. Under the new U.S. military plans, attack drones will still fly from Kenya and Djibouti. But the risks of tragic and politically-exploitable civilian casualties will grow, and the air strike frequency is likely to decrease. Fearing al-Shabab, AMISOM may bunker up in garrisons even more and reduce the number of bases, thus weakening anti-Shabab militias.
The presence of U.S. forces itself stiffens the spine of anti-Shabab militias. Many such militias are problematic and cause human rights abuses, but other than Danab and U.S. operations, they are frequently the only force fighting al-Shabab. The departure of U.S. forces from Somalia will further exacerbate a declining security picture in Somalia and strengthen al-Shabab. If President Trump’s plans proceed, the withdrawal will happen at the worst possible time, compounding the immense insecurity and uncertainty around Somalia’s elections.
WHAT CAN BE DONE?
The immediate priority for the international community is to prevent at least the violence around elections that Somali politicians can induce. The United States and partners should facilitate consensual political negotiations among Somali leaders to delay the elections somewhat — by a few weeks or a few months. Political opponents of President Mohamed may resent this proposal and oppose it at first. But such a short, mutually-agreed delay made good sense even before the announced withdrawal of U.S. special operations forces, given how unprepared both the election process and its security plans were. The deterioration of security due to the withdrawal of U.S. forces is an added reason.
Second, the international community — particularly powerful donors such as the United States, the European Union, Turkey, Ethiopia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates — should engage Mohamed and his rivals to persuade them to accept the election outcomes and remain peaceful as legal processes take their course. Mobilizing such international pressure will not be easy, as the rifts and rivalries among international actors in Somalia often run as hot as among Somali politicians themselves. The United Arab Emirates, for example, does not wish for Mohamed to be reelected, while Qatar supports him. So does Ethiopia, but its voice may be undermined by its handling of its own internal crisis.
Beyond the elections, the international community must rethink its stabilization efforts in Somalia. If the Trump administration withdraws U.S. special forces in the country before Biden takes office, the next administration should carefully consider whether to return them. Extending AMISOM’s presence again, beyond its December 2021 timeframe, is desirable and necessary. But so is demanding far more meaningful action from AMISOM. Efforts to build Somali federal and state forces need to be coupled with meaningful accountability measures, deep structural changes, and far more tough love.
Some are calling for considering negotiations with al-Shabab — not rushed ones like the recent problematic U.S. wildcat effort, nor the opaque and fraught amnesty deals with so-called high-value defectors that Somalia has practiced for years. But any such negotiations would require that various parties — international donors, Somalia’s politicians (who mostly feel no desire to negotiate a national bargain with al-Shabab), civil society, and victims of al-Shabab violence — are prepared to swallow a very bitter pill. Like in Afghanistan, where the Taliban may well return to power,
Negotiations would bring al-Shabab into a coalition government. And like the Taliban, al-Shabab has not severed relations with al-Qaida. Moreover, unlike the Taliban, al-Shabab continues to conduct brutal terrorist attacks outside of Somalia, too. All of these factors underscore the challenges of a potential deal with al-Shabab. In the near term, keeping U.S. troops in Somalia’s through its elections at least is key.
By Vanda Felbab-BrownSource: Brookings Institution
Tababaraha Kooxda Real Madrid ee Zinedine Zidane ayaa soo saaray Liiska xiddigaha uu kaga hor tagi doono kooxda Inter Milan kulanka champions League.
Xiddiga Casemiro ayaa ka soo kabsaday xanuunka Korona kana soo muuqday Liiska xiddigaha Real Madrid ee Champions League.
Xiddiga reer Brazil ayaa seegay kulankii Villarreal si la mid ah xiddigaha Eder Militao & Karim Benzema laakiin xiddiga ayaa ku soo laabtay liiska.
Laakiin Benzema ayaan ka soo kabsan dhaawacii uu qabay waxana uu seegi doonaa kulanka Inter Milan ee champions League.
Sidaas darteed waxa kulanka Inter Milan ka maqnaan doona Real Madrid xiddigaha Benzema, Militao, Sergio Ramos, Fede Valverde, Alvaro Odriozola & Luka Jovic.
Halkan Hoose Kaga Bogo Liiska xiddigaha uu Zidane u soo xushay:
Goolhayayaasha : Courtois, Lunin, Altube.
Daafaca : Carvajal, Varane, Nacho, Marcelo, Mendy, Victor Chust.
Khadka Dhexe: Kroos, Modric, Casemiro, Odegaard, Isco.
Weerarka: Hazard, Asensio, Lucas, Vinicius, Mariano, Rodrygo, Hugo Duro.
Suuqa Kala Iibsiga ayaan furnayn laakiin arintaas ayaan kooxaha kala duwan ee adduunka ka hor istaagin in lala xidhiidhiyo xiddigo kala duwan.
Suuqa ayaa furmi doona bilowga sanadka cusub ee 2021 gaar ahaan bisha January waxana ay kooxaha kala duwan ee adduunku haatanba bilaabeen dadaalada ay ku doonayaan in ay saxiixyo cusub ku helaan marka uu suuqa kala iibsigu furmo.
Dhanka kale waxa jira xiddigo marka uu suuqu furmo doonaya in ay isaga tagaan kooxohooda haatan si ay u badbaadiyaan xirfadoosa ama ay ugu biiraan koox ay koobab kula guulaystaan qaybta dambe ee xilli ciyaareedka.
Hadaba kooxda.com ayaa halkan idiinku soo gudbin doonta wararkii ugu dambeeyay ee xanta suuqa kala iibsiga.
Waxa xusid mudan in ayna kooxda.com wararkan ka soo qaadatay wargaysyada ku hor qoran wararka suuqa kala iibsiga.
Tababaraha Kooxda Man City ee Pep Guardiola ayaa lagu soo waramayaa in uu maamulka kooxdiisa ka dalbaday in loo keeno xiddiga Harry Kane markii uu wadahadalada heshiis kordhinta ah kula jiray Man City (Independent).
Kooxda Man United ayaa loo sheegay in ay si deg-deg ah ugu dhaqaaqdo saxiixa tababare Mauricio Pochettino kaas oo iska diiday dhawr dalab oo haatanba u yimid (Mail).
Tababaraha kooxda chelsea ee Frank Lampard ayaa hor istaagi doona in uu xiddiga Ross Barkley si toos ah ugu biiro Aston Villa (Sun).
Xiddiga daafaca uga ciyaara kooxda Sevilla ee Jules Kounde ayaa xaqiijiyay in ay Man City xiiso u qabtay saxiixiisa (Canal Football Club).
Goolhayaha Kooxda Man United ee Dean Henderson ayaa kooxdiisa ka codsan doona in ay amaah ku fasaxdo suuqa January si uu ugu biiro kooxaha Leeds ama Brighton si uu u fiicneeyo fursadiisa uu xulka England ugala qayb gali karo Euro-da sanadka dambe (Sun).
Lionel Messi ayaa u muuqda mid sii joogi doona kooxda Barcelona kadib markii Man City isaga baxday baacsigii ay ugu jirtay saxiixiisa (Sky Sports).
Agaasimaha Kooxda Inter Milan ee Beppe Marotta ayaa xaqiijiyay in uu Christian Eriksen dalbaday in uu isaga tago kooxda suuqa January (Goal).
Kooxda Man United ayaa xiiso u qabta saxiixa xiddiga khadka dhexe ee Christian Eriksen (Corriere dello Sport).
Wakiilka xiddiga khadka dhexe ee kooxda Lille ee Yusuf Yazici ayaa xaqiijiyay in ay Arsenal xiiso u qabto saxixa xiddiga 23 jirka ah (Mirror).
Xiddiga daafaca uga ciyaara kooxda RB Leipzig ee Dayot Upamecano ayaa la xiqiijiyay in uu isaga tagi doono kooxda suuqa January ama xagaaga waxana saxiixiisa ku tartami doona kooxaha Bayern Munich, Liverpool, Manchester City & Manchester United (Bild).
Kooxda Inter Milan ayaa wadahadalo Rasmi ah la furtay wakiilka xiddiga khadka dhexe ee kooxda Liverpool ee Gini Wijnaldum sida ay sheegayaan wararku.
Heshiiska Gini Wijnaldum ee Liverpool ayaa dhici doona dhamaadka xilli ciyaareedkan waxanauu bartilmaameed u yahay kooxaha Barcelona iyo Real Madrid.
Laakiin wargayska Corriere dello Sport ayaa sheegaya in ay Inter Milan haatanba la xidhiidhay wakiilka xiddiga Gini Wijnaldum si ay ugu qanciso in uu ku biiro kooxda.
Warkan ayaa imanaya xilli ay Liverpool wali doonayso in ay heshiis cusub ka saxiixato xiddiga khadka dhexe marka loo eego in uu muhiim ka yahay kooxda Jurgen Klopp.
Ra’isul wasaaraha Itoobiya Abiy Axmed ayaa isniintii waxaa uu madaxweynaha Soomaaliya Maxamed Cabdullahi Farmaajo usoo diray la taliyihiisa amniga si ninka hore loola socodsiiyo hawlgalka Axmed ee ka dhanka ah Tigreyga.
Gedu Andargachew ayaa waxaa uu la kulmay Farmaajo, inkasta oo Villa Somalia aaney ka hadlin hadana waxaa shaaciyey safiirka Itoobiya ee Soomaaliya Jamaludin Mustafa.
Safiirka, waxaa uu sheegay in Andargachew uu Farmaajo hordhigay xaaladdii ugu dambeysay ee hawlgalka ka socdo waqooyiga Itoobiya ee lagu soo celiyo sharciga.
Abiy Axmed ayaa saraakiil badan u kala diray gobolka, Andargachew waxaa uu booqday sidoo kale Djibouti iyo Suudaan halka ra’isul wasaare ku xigeenka Demeke Mekonnen uu todobaadkii hore tagay Kenya iyo Uganda.
Arrimahan ayaa waxaa looga horgatayaa faragelin ay midowga Afrika ku sameeyaan xaaladda Itoobiya iyo dhibaatada ka socota gobolka uu Abiy Axmed weeraray ee Tigreyga.
= Kaalinta musharaxa Lacagta haysta: musharaxani kan ugu awoodda badan marka la eego ololeyaasha ka dhex socda beelaha. Wuxuu gacanta ku dhigay inta caanka ku ah ololeyaasha doorashada ee beelaha sida afmiishaariintii, muqayiliyiintii, balwaawi dumar, aqoonyahankii hayntiisu yarayd iyo odayaashii mafrishyada reeraha uga talin jiray. Wuxuu bixiyaan biil joogto ah, oo uu siiyo qof kasta oo beesha ka mid ah oo uu u arko inuu kaalin ka qaadan karo musharaxnimadiisa. Markay beeshu shirka isugu timaado si ay u kala saarto musharaxiinta farabadan ee reerka ka sharraxan, nin kasta oo goobta fadhiyaa way ku adkaataa inuu yidhaa hebel oo lacag siiyey ha reebo. Musharaxani wuxuu haystaa fikir olole oo hore loo soo tijaabiyey. Kaasi oo ahaa in musharaxiin badan oo lacag haysta ay lacagtoodii la tageen goobaha ay degan yihiin dadka barakacayaash ah ama danyarta ah, oo ay qof kasta siiyeen lacag dhan $200, ka dibna ay kitaab qur’aan ah ku dhaariyeen inuu maalinta doorashada u codeyn doono. Qof kastaa oo goobtan degani waa caydh baahan oo maalin la-nool ah, way iska qaateen oo dhaarteen sidiina way ku codeeyeen. Musharaxii codod farabadan oo weligii ku riyoon ayuu ku soo baxay.
= Kaalinta musharaxa xilka haya ee xoolaha ummadda adeegsanaya: musharaxani waa kan ugu saameynta badan ee beelaha kala furfura. Wuxuu xariif ku yahay sida lacagta ummadda loogu adeegsado in isaga mar labaad musharax ay beeshu u doorato. Maaha oo keliya lacag wuxuu faraqayaa, waxa weheliya dhulkii danta guud oo uu odayaasha iyo inta dhul doonka ah uu mid kasta baloodh ama waxa ka badan siiyo, isaga oo maca sharcigii u raacinaaya. Dhawaan waxa dhacday in nin musharax ah, sidoo kalena ka tirsan golaha deegaanka dalka, uu ka qaybgalay shir ay beeshiisu ku kala saaraysay musharaxiinta beesha. Ninkani wuxuu haystaa khibradii uu markii hore ku soo baxay, oo wuxuu hore u hantiyey odayaashii beesha u talinayey iyo aqoonyahankii baahnaa oo uu lacag farabadan ku rusheeyey. Markii shirkii ay soo wada fadhiisteen musharaxiintii kale iyo isagii meesha sii banaystay. Cod ayaa loo qaaday musharaxiintii, mise ninkii xilka hayey ayaa dhammaan loo codeeyey. Goobta muuqaallo ayaa laga duubayaa oo uu wato ninkan xilka hayaa. Musharaxiintii halkii ayey albaabka boobeen oo ay diideen codeyntii lagu soo shubtay odayaasha iyo aqoonyahanka baahan. Markii dembe oday kasta intuu ninkii xilka hayey lacag siiyey ayuu ku yidhi kol haddii ay beeshu aniga isku raacday in musharax noqdo, ordoo nin kastow wiilka aad adeerka u tahay ee reerka diidan soo xidh. Weli qaskaasi wuu taagan yahay beello badan dhexdooda.
= Kaalinta Qurbo jooga sharraxan: musharaxani wax badan kama fahansana sida hoose ee beelaha looga ololeeyo iyo munaafaqadaha hoose ee qofka lagu liido (Faji). Waxa ku xeeran kooxo u badan ardayda jaamacaddaha iyo dadka aan qayilin. Waxa ay wataan fikir musharaxnimo oo aad ugu dhaw kan dalalka ay ka yimaadeen oo kale ah. Markay goobaha beeshu isugu timaado ee arrinta musharaxiinta lagaga tashanayo yimaada ee hadalka la siiyo, waxaad la yaabaysay sida aanay ulaba haysan waaqaca iyo xaalada taagan. Hadalkooda waxa ay ku bilaabayaan in beeshu ay mab’da wax ku doorato, oo la iska iloobo shilimo qof laaluusho loo siiyo si ugu codeeyo musharax beesha ah. Doodaasina waxa ay taalla dalalka ka horumaray dhinaca laaluush qaadashada ee fikirka qofka iyo ballanqaadiisa wax ku doorta. Gabadh musharaxad ah ayaa dhawaan goob beesheedu shir ku lahayd ka dhex-tidhi “ anigu waxa aan soo darsay qaabkii olole ee Joe Baydhan”. Horta qaarkood waaqicinimada halkaasi ayey ka taagan yihiin. Markay intaasi yidhaahaan sacab badan ayaa u dhaca, waa se sacab munaafaqadaysan oo qalbiga kala jira kolba ka lacag haysta. Waa tii hore loo yidhi” Af wax cunay xishoo”. Qaarkood waxa ay weli fahmi la’yihiin in dadkan ay isugu darsantay baahi balwadeed (Jaad) iyo mid nololeed, oo kolba kay maalintii wax ka helayaan ay dhinaciisa raacayaan.
= Kaalinta musharaxa xayraanka ah: Kani waa kan ugu liita marka la eego kooxaha hore. Waayo wuxuu dhaqaale uu ku ololeeyo ka sugayaa beeshu inay u soo ururiso, taasina way adag tahay in dhaqaale buuran uu ka helo xubnaha beesha ee hayntoodu buuran tahay. Haddii uu la sharaxan yahay kuwaa sare gelin hore ayaa afka ciidda loo darayaa oo dhaqaale lagu muquuninayaa.
Cali Cabdi Coomay
Suxufi, qoraa ah.
Let’s block ads! (Why?)
Muqdisho:- Wakiilka Qaramada Midoobay ee Soomaaliya James Swan ayaa maanta warbixin ku saabsan xaaladda guud ee Soomaaliya ka siiyay Golaha Ammaanka ee Qaramada Midoobay.
James Swan ayaa sheegay in Soomaaliya ay qaadatay hanaanka doorasho oo is ogol ah sanadka 2021, kaasi oo ay ah mid ay tageereen qeybaha bulshada, isla markaana ay ku wada heshiiyeen Madaxda Dowlad Goboleedyada iyo Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya, iyadoo ay ansixiyeen Xildhibaannada Golaha Shacabka.
Mr James ayaa amaanay dareenka isku tanaasulka ah oo ay heshiiska ku gaareen dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya iyo Maamul Goboleedyada qeybta ka ah dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya.
“Si aan sare u qaado wada hadalka Soomaaliya, waxaan bilaabay dhawaanahan booqasho xiriir ah oo aan ku tegayay Caasimadaha Mamaul Goboledyada, waxaana igu wehliya Wakiilada Midowga Afrika iyo Midowga Yurub ee Soomaaliya, sidoo kale waxaan ogahay in Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Soomaaliya uu bilaabay booqashada maamul Goboleedyada, uuna sii wado wada hadalka uu la leeyahay Madaxda Mamaul Goboleedyada, arrintan oo ah talalabo aan soo dhaweynayo” ayuu yiri James Swan.
Wakiilka Qaramada Midoobay ee Soomaaliya ayaa sheegay in sanadka soo socda ay noqon doonto sanad kala guur ah, kaasi oo Soomaaliya ay hogaamin doonto mas’uuliyadda arrimaha ammaankeeda.
Mr Swan ayaa amaanay dadaalka ay wadaan cidanka qalabka sida ee Soomaaliya oo taageero ka helaya kuwa Nabad Ilaalinta Midowga Afrika ee AMISOM oo si geesinimoleh ay ku soo celinayaan Nabadda iyo xasiloonida.
Dhanka arrimaha Beni’aadannimada waxa uu sheegay in weli ay baahidu taagantahay, dalkana ay heystaan saddex arrimood oo waa weyn oo kala ah COVID-19, fatahaadaha iyo Ayaxa.
Mr Swan ayaa sheegay in uu soo dhaweynayo qorshaha wada shaqeynta shanta sano ee ay kala saxiixdeen dowladda Federaaka Soomaaliya iyo Qaramada Midoobay.
James ayaa uga mahadceliyay Golaha Ammaanka ee Qaramada Midoobay taageerada uu siinayo xafiiska Qaramada Midoobay ee Soomaaliya.
Istanbul:- Taliyihii hore ee ciidamada cirka soomaaliya dowladii militeriga Jeneral khaliif Ciise Mudan ayaa ku geeriday wadanka Turkiga oo uu mudo ku xanuusanaa.
Marxuumka ayaa soo noqday wasiirka amniga puntland xukuumadii Cabdiraxmaan Faroole, sidoo kale waxa uu kamid ahaa musharixiintii kula tartamay xilka madaxweynaha puntland doorashadii 2019 ee uu hada hogaamiyo madaxweyne Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni.
Hadii aan fiirino taariiqdiisa oo kooban
Wuxuu ku dhashay magaalada Boosaaso ee xarunta ganacsiga Puntland sanadkii 1954-tii,wuxuuna ku qaatay waxbarashadiisii hoose,dhexe isla magaaladda Boosaso,sidoo kale wuxuu dugsiga sare ka dhigtey Dugsiga Jamaal Cabdinaasir magaaladda Muqdisho ee Gobolka Banaadir.
1974-tii wuxuu dhamaystey jaamacad ku taala dalka Ruushka, wuxuuna noqday duuliye sarre (Pilot) ka tirsan ciidamadii cirka Soomaaliya, ka dibna wuxuu noqday taliyihii u dambeeyay ee ciidamada cirka dowladdii uu hogaamin jirey Alle ha u naxariisto Maxamed Siyaad Barre.
Sanadkii 1986-dii wuxuu ka qaatay jaamacad ku taala dalka Mareykanka shahaadada Master-ka gaar ahaan cilmiga, Master of Business MBA (leadership, Human resource and management.
Waxaa uu lataliye amni u ahaa madaxweynaha Puntland Siciid Cabdullaahi Deni.
Ugu dambeyn goordhaweyd ayuu ku geeriyooday wadanka turkiga Allah ha naxariistee Generaal Gen khaliif ciise.
Ciidanka Badda Puntland ee PMPF ayaa Ka daad gureeyay qoysas barakacayaal ah Kamamkii ay daganayeen kadib markii ay soo galeen daadad xoogan oo uu sababay roob xoogan oo saacadihii aynu soo dhaafnay ka da’ay gudaha Magaalada Boosaaso waxaana la dajiyey goobo ku meel gaar ah oo uu maamulka Gobalka bari u diyaariyey.
Roob xoog leh oo ilaa shalay Bosaaso ka dayey ayaa saamayn ku yeeshay dadka danyarta ah oo Barakacayaashu ka mid yihiin iyadoona Maamulka Dagmada Boosaaso Xaqiijiyeen in 12kun oo qoysi ku guryo beeleen roobabkii dabaylaha watay ee ku dhuftay inta badan dagmooyinka Gobalka Bari.
waxaa isa soo taraya qasaaraha kala duwan ee ka dhashay Duufaanta GATI oo ku dhufatay xeebaha waqooyi bari Soomaaliya.
Previous articleTaliyihii hore ee Ciidanka cirka Soomaaliya Jen Khaliif Ciise Mudan oo Geeriyooday.
Next articleJaaliyadda Soomaaliyeed ee K/Afrika iyo Madaxda Safaaradda oo kulan ku yeeshay Durban.
Wasiirka Warfaafinta Somaliland Saleebaan Cali Koore, waxa uu magaacabay guddi uu ku sheegay in ay yihiin guddida dib u eegista iyo cusboonaysiinta ruqsad bixinta Saxaafadda Somaliland, kuwaas oo ah shaqaalaha Wasaaradda Warfaafinta.
Somaliland Warbaahinteedu ma haysataa Ruqsad?
Warbaahinta Somaliland ka shaqaysta iyo kuwa xarumaha ku leh, ma jirto ruqsad ay haystaan, laakiin waxa ay ku shaqeeyaan oo ka diiwaan gashan yihiin Xafiiska Xeer Ilaalinta Guud ee Somaliland, oo siisa warqada rasmiga ah ee ay ku shaqeeyaan, ka hor inta aanay tegin Xeer Ilaalinta waxa warqad ogolaansho ah siisa Wasaaradda Warfaafinta, taas oo ay la tagaan Xeer Ilaalinta oo iyaduna bixisa warqada u dambaysay ee Xarunta Warbaahineed ku hawl galayso.
Awooddan diiwaan gelinta Warbaahinta waxa Xeer Ilaalinta siiyey oo jideeyey Xeerka Saxaafadda ee27/2004.
Qodobka Lixaad iyo ka toddobaad ee Xeerka Saxaafadda ee dhaqan galka ah ayaa sheegaya diiwaan gelinta Warbaahinta iyo shuruudaha looga baahan yahay
Maxay markaa cusboonaysiinaysaa Wasaaradda Warfaafintu?
Wasaaradda Warfaafintu ma jirto Ruqsada rasmi ah oo ay bixiso, marka laga tago warqad ogolaansho ah oo ay Xeer Ilaalinta ku socodsiiso, si loo diiwaan geliyo xarunta warbaahineed.
Markaa haddii aanay jirin ruqsad Wasaaradda Warfaafintu siisay Warbaahinta iyo Weriyeyaasha, maxay dib u eegis iyo cusboonaysiin ku samaynaysaa?
Sida Xirfaddaha kale ee Dhakhtarnimada iyo Garyaqaanimada ay u jiraan Guddiyo xeer jideeyey oo ruqsadaha bixiya, Saxaafaddu weli taasi malaha, waana meelaha imika lagu soo daray xeerka cusub ee Wasaaradda ee Horyaalla Golaha Wakiillada, in la helo Komishan amma guddi Mihnadlayaasha warbaahinta iyo Weriyeyaashaba siisa Ruqsad in lagu soo daro, sida Xirfadahaas kale.
Awoodda ruqsad bixinta Xeerkan Cusub ee Golaha Wakiilada horyaalaa, waxa uu siisay guddi la mid ah kuwa bixiya ruqsadaha xirfadaha kale ee laga lagaga shaqaysto.
Guddidan maxay samayn kartaa?
Madaama oo aanay jirin awood iyo xeer siinaya waajibaad cad oo ay qabtaan, ma muuqato shaqo ay qaban karaan, wax keliya oo ay samayn karaa waa in Warqadii Ogolaansha ahayd ee Xeer ilaalinta lagu socodsiiyey in ay weydiiyaan Warbaahinta.
Madaama oo arrinta ogolaanshaha iyo diiwaan gelinta Xarunta Warbaahineed lafteeda aanay dadku u sinayn oo qofkii la doono la siiyo, qaarna laga hor istaago, halkan walaac ka iman karaa waa in guddidan shaandho mariso Warbaahinta Diiwaan gashan, madaama oo muddadii Kulmiye joogay, Warbaahin badan oo dano siyaasaddeed loo samaystay ay jiraan, kuwaas oo imika halis ay u aragto Xukuumaddu.
Let’s block ads! (Why?)