WASHINGTON — A veteran C.I.A. officer was killed in combat in Somalia in recent days, according to current and former U.S. officials, a death that is likely to reignite debate over American counterterrorism operations in Africa.
The officer was a member of the C.I.A.’s paramilitary division, the Special Activities Center, and a former member of the Navy’s elite SEAL Team 6.
The identity of the officer remained classified, and the circumstances of the killing were ambiguous. It was unclear whether the officer was killed in a counterterrorism raid or was the victim of an enemy attack, former American officials said. The C.I.A. declined to comment.
The death will lead to another star being added to the wall in the C.I.A.’s lobby, where it memorializes its fallen. The past 20 years have placed a heavy burden on the agency, with dozens of stars bringing the total to 135.
Compared with the U.S. military, the deaths of C.I.A. officers in combat is a relatively rare occurrence. Still, paramilitary work is the most dangerous task at the agency, and members of the Special Activities Center carry out missions as risky as those of Delta Force or SEAL Team 6.
The death of the C.I.A. paramilitary officer comes as a draft order is circulating at the Pentagon under which virtually all of the more than 700 American military forces in Somalia conducting training and counterterrorism missions would depart by the time President Trump leaves office in January.
The Shabab, the Qaeda-affiliated terror group based in Somalia, remains a deadly threat and claimed responsibility this week for killing a group of American-trained Somali soldiers. No Americans were killed in that attack, a military official said.
Inside the C.I.A., Somalia has long been considered a particularly dangerous war zone. Senior intelligence officials have debated whether counterterrorism operations there are worth the risk to American lives. Some in the agency believe the Shabab is at worst a regional threat to Africa and to American interests there but not beyond the region.
But other counterterrorism experts believe that if left unchecked, the Shabab could emerge as the same kind of global threat as the Islamic State and Al Qaeda have been. The Shabab, the most active affiliate of Al Qaeda, issued new threats against Americans in East Africa and in the United States this year. Members of the group were arrested while taking flying lessons in the Philippines, and others have sought to procure surface-to-air missiles.
The growing worries about the Shabab’s expanding ambitions had prompted a flurry of American drone strikes in Somalia during the past two years to keep the group in check.
Covert C.I.A. operations in Somalia are harder to track but are likely to have been stepped up alongside the drone strikes as the agency sought additional information about whom to target in such attacks.
Decisions about whether to alter American counterterrorism operations in Somalia will be an early national security challenge for President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. as he reviews Mr. Trump’s policies.
Still, Mr. Biden may find his options more limited as Mr. Trump considers major changes in his last weeks in office.
The Trump administration plan under discussion would not apply to U.S. troops stationed in nearby Kenya and Djibouti, where American drones that carry out airstrikes in Somalia are based. They would continue to conduct counterterrorism operations against the Shabab, according to officials familiar with the internal deliberations who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
The acting defense secretary, Christopher C. Miller, announced plans last week to reduce troop levels in both Afghanistan and Iraq to 2,500 by January, but Pentagon officials said this week that they were still working out details of the drawdown in Somalia.
Critics said Mr. Trump’s plan to leave Somalia comes at a precarious time for the strife-weary nation in the Horn of Africa. Somalia is gearing up for parliamentary elections next month and a presidential election scheduled for early February. The removal of U.S. troops could complicate any ability to keep election rallies and voting safe from Shabab attackers. Political turmoil has also erupted in neighboring Ethiopia, whose army has battled the Shabab.
Security inside Somalia is increasingly dire despite a sustained flurry of American drone strikes and U.S.-backed ground raids against Shabab fighters, according to a report issued on Wednesday by the inspectors general of the Defense and State Departments and the U.S. Agency for International Development.
“Despite many years of sustained Somali, U.S. and international counterterrorism pressure, the terrorist threat in East Africa is not degraded,” the assessment concluded. “Shabab retains freedom of movement in many parts of southern Somalia and has demonstrated an ability and intent to attack outside of the country, including targeting U.S. interests.”
The paramilitary arm of the C.I.A. has borne the brunt of the agency’s losses since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, according to former officials. Officers on the C.I.A.’s paramilitary teams conduct raids and operations in austere locations, far more dangerous missions than the kind of intelligence collection that is the backbone of the agency.
Many of them were killed in Afghanistan, where over all at least 20 people have died since the beginning of the war there. It is unclear whether other officers have been killed in Somalia in recent years.
Source: New York Times
In March 1977, Ethiopia and Somalia edged toward war over the region of Ogaden, which both claimed. Cuba’s revolutionary President Fidel Castro made a desperate dash to the Horn of Africa with a bold plan to keep the peace: with the backing of the Soviet Union, he proposed to combine Ethiopia, Somalia, South Yemen, and the soon-to-be-independent French Territory of the Afars and the Issas (now Djibouti) into a Marxist-Leninist superstate that would control the Red Sea and the all-important entrance to the Suez Canal. Not only would the merger resolve the long-standing rivalry between Ethiopia and Somalia, it would unleash the region’s economic potential. Even more important to the Kremlin, it would consolidate recent communist gains and make the Soviets the dominant external power in the Horn of Africa.
Castro’s shuttle diplomacy failed to win support from regional leaders, most notably Somali military leader Siad Barre, and soon Somalia and Ethiopia were locked in a vicious war. Yet the idea of an integrated Horn of Africa never died. More than four decades after the Ogaden War, the goal of greater political and economic integration lives on—particularly in Ethiopia, the regional hegemon, which is landlocked and depends on its neighbors for access to the sea. Regional organizations such as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development have also sought to foster integration, as has the United States, which sees deeper trade ties and political cooperation as bulwarks against instability and extremism.
Since he came to power in 2018, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has accelerated the regional integration project. He has forged closer ties with Somalia and with Ethiopia’s erstwhile archenemy Eritrea, even signing a tripartite agreement with the leaders of both countries that established a framework for political, economic, and security cooperation. More ominous, Abiy has publicly suggested that economic integration could be a prelude to political integration and ultimately to a single unified government and military in the Horn of Africa.
Efforts at political integration that come at the expense of sovereignty are bound to provoke conflict and end in failure. But even economic integration efforts that should in times of peace and stability benefit all parties could backfire under the current conditions. In theory, the free movement of people and goods between Ethiopia and Somalia should ease historical tensions, strengthen economic ties, and foster shared growth and prosperity. But in practice, allowing such movement could deepen the mutual suspicion and chronic insecurity that have crippled Somalia’s democratic development.
Simply put, neither Ethiopia nor Somalia is ready for deeper integration. Ethiopia is sliding toward instability and preoccupied with both internal ethnic conflicts and border disputes with Somalia and Eritrea. Somalia, for its part, is too politically fragmented, fragile, and imperiled by extremists to benefit much from regional integration right now. And because Somalia’s current leaders have embraced Ethiopia’s integration agenda without much input from civil society or the public, further implementing that agenda could deepen divisions rather than heal them. Before seeking greater interdependence with its neighbors, therefore, Somalia’s government should focus on turning the tide against the extremist insurgent group al Shabab, strengthening weak and divided governance structures at home, and building on the democratic gains that have been made over the last 20 years.
Somalia has been chronically unstable for nearly 30 years. Its civil war began in 1991, when Barre’s authoritarian regime collapsed and gave way to clan conflicts that ultimately created large swaths of ungoverned territory. This territory proved to be the perfect breeding ground for terrorists, many of whom had trained abroad in Afghanistan and other countries, who eventually established al Shabab, al Qaeda’s most dangerous franchise in Africa.
By the time I was sworn in as president in September 2012, al Shabab controlled large portions of Somalia’s major cities. But with the support of the United States, my government was able to arm and train the Somali security forces to more effectively participate in the fight against al Shabab alongside African Union peacekeepers. Together, we created a special forces battalion modeled after the U.S. Army Rangers. Called the “Danab,” or Lightning Brigade, it pursued al Shabab behind enemy lines, disrupted terror plots, and eliminated important terrorists from the battlefield.
But the military pressure has eased off of al Shabab in recent years. The administration of U.S. President Donald Trump has ramped up airstrikes in Somalia, and more U.S. military personnel are now stationed in Somalia than in any African country aside from Djibouti and Niger. In the final weeks of his administration, however, Trump is reportedly considering withdrawing nearly all of these troops. Moreover, the Somali government and its African Union military partners have slowed the pace of their operations against al Shabab and even lost control of strategic areas such as the Shabelle Valley and towns along the border with Ethiopia. At the same time, al Shabab has carried out hundreds of attacks in Somalia and in neighboring countries. In January 2020, for instance, the group attacked the Manda Bay Airfield in the coastal Kenyan town of Lamu, killing several Kenyan and American troops.
Al Shabab continues to administer a parallel system of government in parts of Mogadishu, the capital, and in southern Somalia, including along stretches of the borders with Kenya and Ethiopia. Before Somalia can begin to think about deepening ties with neighbors and allowing freer movement across its borders, it will need to consolidate control over those borders and over other regions currently controlled by al Shabab. To that end, the Somali government and its African Union partners will need to go back on the offensive against the terrorist group—not just to liberate al Shabab–controlled areas but to hold them permanently so the government can win back hearts and minds.
Governance at both state and federal levels will also need to improve before regional integration can proceed. During my presidency, Somalia began a complicated federation process through which four regional states were formed. Much progress was made initially toward state building and toward reconciliation of clan and regional conflicts. But soon after coming to power in 2017, the current administration of President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed dissolved the leadership of the nascent federal states and installed its allies in their place, weakening the federalization process and triggering conflict with the regional governments.
In the absence of a strong working relationship with regional governments, the federal government has often relied on Ethiopian troops operating outside of the African Union chain of command to advance its political interests in the regional states. In December 2018, for instance, it ordered Ethiopian troops to arrest a former al Shabab spokesman who was running for parliament in the newly formed South West regional state. The arrest sparked days of protests in South West state, to which federal security forces later responded with a violent crackdown. Such transgressions only deepen the Somali public’s suspicion of and antipathy toward Ethiopia, making future aboveboard cooperation more difficult.
In addition to improving governance, Somalia must strengthen its democratic institutions before it seeks closer ties with its neighbors. One reason the current government’s embrace of regional integration efforts has proved so contentious is that ordinary Somalis have had very little say in the matter. While previous governments have often consulted closely with parliament and the regional states on important national issues, the current government has upended that political tradition by making decisions unilaterally. To begin to repair and eventually fortify its democratic institutions, the federal government will need to restore this consultative tradition.
LINKED FATES, SHARED FUTURES
Taken together, Somalia’s problems with security and governance do not augur well for regional integration. But with progress against al Shabab, on governance, and toward democracy, the country might be able to reap the rewards of deeper trade and economic ties with its neighbors in the future. Somalia’s international partners, particularly those from outside the immediate region, can help move Somalia in that direction.
During my presidency, the United States supported Somalia’s government not just militarily but with state building, reconciliation, and democratic governance. Regrettably, during the past three and a half years, the focus of the two countries’ relationship has shifted from a partnership centered on democratization and state building to one centered almost exclusively on security cooperation. As a result, the United States has ignored serious violations of human rights and democratic norms in Mogadishu—including harassment of opposition figures and a vicious war against Somalia’s free press. These violations have caused relations between the federal government and some of the federal member states to break down, impeding security cooperation and allowing al Shabab to regroup and even expand its reach. The United States should think twice before withdrawing its troops from Somalia, which would only embolden the terrorist group. But it should also revive the vital nonsecurity aspects of its relationship with Somalia, without which the country’s democracy will continue to atrophy.
The fates of Somalis and Americans are interlinked, as evidenced by the thriving Somali diaspora in the United States. As a result, Washington has a vested interest in supporting the long-term stability of Somalia and of the greater Horn of Africa region. That stability cannot be achieved without security, democracy, and the rule of law—precisely the preconditions that are necessary to transform the regional integration project from a dream into a reality.
HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD served as President of Somalia from 2012 to 2017.
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Caasimada Online. For publication please email your article [email protected] Thank You
Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed on Sunday gave the leaders of a dissident northern region 72 hours to surrender ahead of a threatened all-out assault on Tigray’s capital, Mekele.
Abiy — last year’s Nobel Peace Prize winner — launched the military campaign against the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) on November 4, accusing it of attacking two federal military camps in the region, and of defying his government and seeking to destabilise it.
A communications blackout in the region has made claims from both sides difficult to verify but hundreds of people are reported to have been killed while tens of thousands have fled the fighting into neighbouring Sudan.
“Your journey of destruction is coming to an end, and we urge you to surrender peacefully within the next 72 hours, recognising you are at a point of no return,” Abiy said in a statement aimed at the leaders of the TPLF party.
“Take this last opportunity,” he added.
Abiy also called on the TPLF forces to “surrender peacefully” and urged the people of Mekele to side with the army “in bringing this treasonous group to justice”
– ‘Save yourself’ –
Earlier in the day, the Ethiopian army had threatened to besiege the city of half a million and warned civilians to flee while they still could.
“The next decisive battle is to surround Mekele with tanks,” Dejene Tsegaye, a military spokesman, told state broadcasters.
Dejene added a warning to Mekele’s residents: “Save yourself. A directive has been communicated for you to dissociate yourself from this junta, after that there will be no mercy.”
Abiy’s government has claimed the capture of a string of towns in recent days, including the ancient city of Aksum and the town of Edega Hamus, 100 kilometres (60 miles) north of Mekele.
“Defence forces have controlled Edaga Hamus city, which is on the road from Adigrat to Mekele,” the Ethiopia State of Emergency Fact Check, a government agency, said Sunday.
“The defence forces are currently marching on the campaign’s last goal, Mekele city.”
– ‘Fierce fighting’ –
TPLF leader Debretsion Gebremichael promised “fierce fighting” to hold up the Ethiopian Defence Forces (EDF) advance. “They’ll continue to pay for every move,” he told AFP.
Debretsion warned that an assault on Mekele will not be the conflict’s endgame.
“As long as the occupation force is in Tigray, fighting will not stop,” he said.
The TPLF led the overthrow of Mengistu Hailemariam, head of Ethiopia’s military Derg regime, in 1991 and dominated the country’s politics until Abiy became prime minister in 2018.
The party continues to rule Tigray, one of 10 regional states under Ethiopia’s system of federalism whereby regions are delineated by ethnicity and language.
TPLF leaders have complained of being sidelined by Abiy and blamed for the country’s woes.
– Bitter feud –
The bitter feud with the central government led the TPLF to hold their own elections this year despite the postponement of national polls due to the coronavirus pandemic.
Abiy has spurned all calls for peace, including from the African Union — which plans to send three former national presidents as special envoys in the coming days — and from the US and the UN which has warned of a looming humanitarian disaster.
His government regards the TPLF as a criminal administration and appears intent on winning the military battle rather than negotiating.
Military action has already spread beyond Tigray’s borders with the TPLF firing rockets at Asmara, the capital of neighbouring Eritrea to the north, which it accuses of supporting the Ethiopian government, and at the city of Bahir Dar to the southwest.
The campaign has seen warplanes bombing Tigray and heavy fighting.
Amnesty International has documented a gruesome massacre in which “scores, and likely hundreds, of people were stabbed or hacked to death” in the southwestern town of Mai-Kadra.
The UN has called for the opening of humanitarian corridors to allow aid agencies access, and has said it is preparing for as many as 200,000 refugees to flee the unrest in the coming months.
MINNEAPOLIS (AP) — U.S. Rep. Ilhan Omar is cutting ties with her husband’s political consulting firm after winning her bid for reelection, saying she wants to ensure her supporters feel there’s no perceived issue.
Omar married her political consultant, Tim Mynett, in March, sparking scrutiny and a complaint to the Federal Election Commission by a conservative group that alleged campaign funds paid for Mynett’s personal travel. The FEC has taken no public action on that complaint, and Omar has said payments to Mynett’s firm, E Street Group, were legitimate.
In an email to her supporters on Sunday, Omar said her campaign was terminating its contract with E Street Group to “make sure that anybody who is supporting our campaign with their time or financial support feels there is no perceived issue with that support,” the Star Tribune reported.
She also wrote: “Every dollar that was spent went to a team of more than twenty that were helping us fight back against attacks and organize on the ground and online in a COVID-19 world. And Tim — beyond his salary at the firm — received no profit whatsoever from the consulting relationship the firm provided.”
A campaign spokesman told The Associated Press on Monday that Omar commits to not using Mynett’s firm in future campaigns.
Omar won reelection to a second term, easily defeating Republican challenger Lacy Johnson in the heavily Democratic 5th District. She also defeated primary challenger Anton Melton-Meaux, whose well-funded race highlighted controversies involving Omar, including her connection to Mynett.
Omar told supporters, “you deserve to be a part of a movement that you can rely on, believe in, and know that it is holding itself to the highest possible standards.”
Omar’s campaign was big business for E Street Group. The campaign reported paying the firm more than $1.1 million for advertising and consulting in the third quarter of this year alone.
The United States on Tuesday put on its terror blacklist the leader of an elite unit of Al-Shabaab blamed for a January attack in Kenya that killed three Americans.
The State Department said that it was listing Maalim Ayman, leader of the Al-Shabaab squad Jaysh Ayman, as well as Abdullahi Osman Mohamed, who manages both explosives and media for the Al-Qaeda-linked movement as a whole, as Specially Designated Global Terrorists.
Authorities say the Jaysh Ayman unit carried out the January attack on Camp Simba on Kenya’s northern coast, killing three American personnel and destroying several aircraft.
A 2018 study by the Jamestown Foundation described Jaysh Ayman as the Somali-based Al-Shabaab’s effort to create a well-equipped “local” unit inside Kenya.
Kenya has suffered a series of devastating attacks since it sent troops into Somalia in 2011 as part of an African Union mission that chased Al-Shabaab out of the capital Mogadishu.
Al-Shabaab — designated by Washington as a terrorist movement in 2008 — was suspected in another suicide attack Tuesday at a Mogadishu restaurant that killed at last five people.
Nathan Sales, the State Department counterterrorism coordinator, said that the United States was working with Kenya, Somalia and other nations to apply “all instruments of national power” against Al-Shabaab.
The designation freezes any assets the individuals may have in the United States and makes it a crime to assist them.
“Whether or not they have assets in the United States, sanctions have very powerful secondary consequences because it makes it that much harder for designated individuals or organizations to move money in the international financial system,” Sales told reporters.
Kooxda Barcelona ayaa lagu soo waramayaa in ay suuqa January iska iibin doonto xiddigo waaweyn oo kooxda.
Xilli ay kooxdu ku jirto wakhti adag oo dhanka dhaqaalaha ah Barcelona ayaa u baahan in ay iska iibiso xiddig muhiim ah marka la gaadho suuqa January.
El Chiringuito ayaa sheegaya in ay wax walba ku xidhnaan doonaan qorshaha xiddiga kabtanka u ah kooxda ee Lionel Messi.
Hadii uu Messi ogolaado in uu heshiis cusub u saxiixo kooxda Barcelona ayaa iibin doonta in ay midkood iibiso xiddigaha Antoine Griezmann & Philippe Coutinho.
Inkasta oo ay diidantahay in ay iska iibiso labada xiddig hadana Maamulka Barcelona ayaa ku qasbanaan doona in ay badalaan go’aankaas hadii uu uu Messi ogolaado in uu sii joogo kooxda.
Hadii uu Messi ka tago kooxda Waxa ay heli doontaa lacag dhan 50 milyan oo euro oo ah lacagta ay ku iibin doonto suuqa Janaury.
Sii Akhriso: Laba Qarax Oo Khasaare Weyn Ka Dhashay Oo Ka Dhacay Muqdisho 12 Saac Gudohood
Agaasimaha ciyaaraha kooxda Dortmund ee Michael Zorc ayaa hoosta ka xariiqay in weeraryahankooda Haaland uusan meel uga socon kooxda waliba uu la joogayo sanado badan
Laacibkaas ayaa muddo lala xariirinayaa in uu ka tagayo kooxda reer Jarmal waxaana koaxha doonaya ugu xooggan Man United iyo Real Madrid
Sports Mole ayaa Michael Zorc ka soo xigatay”: waxaan qorsheyneynaa in laacibka sanado badan ku hayno kooxda , waxa uu qeyb ka yahay mashruuc fog oo ay kooxda leedahay”
” Waxa ka jira malaha waraka suuqa hareeyay , in badan ayaad Haaland ku arkeysaan Dormund” ayuu Michael Zorc sii raaciyay
Laacibkaas oo soo bandhigaya heer ciyaareed wacan tan iyo markii uu Dortmund u yimid ayaa xilli ciyaareedkaan waxa uu dhaliyay 17 gool dhamaan tartamada ka dib 13 kulan oo uu illaa iyo haatan saftay
Wararka ayaa sheegaya in ay kooxda Real Madrid badalka Karim Benzema ka arkootay kooxda Inter Milan.
Inkasta oo uu Benzema xiddig muhiim ah ka yahay kooxda Zinedine Zidane hadana waxa uu gaadhay da’da 33 jirka waxana ay Los Blancos suuqa ugu jirtaa badalkiisa.
Wargayska Sports Mole ayaa sheegaya in ay Real Madrid xiddiga reer Belguim ee Romelu Lukaku u calaamadsatay badalka mustaqbalka ee Karim Benzema.
Romelu Lukaku ayaa ka mid ah weeraryahanada ugu fiican yurub wakhti xaadirkan kadib qaab ciyaareed cajiib ah oo uu soo badhigay intii uu Inter Milan joogay.
Real Madrid ayaana u aragta xiddig buuxin kara booska Karim Benzema waliba ah xiddiga 25 jir ah kooxdana u sii ciyaari kara muddo dheer.
Muqdisho.(SONNA):- Ciidamada amniga ayaa gacanta ku soo dhigay qofkii tuuray Bam gacmeed caawa lagu weeraray saldhiga degmada Xamarweyne ee gobolka Banaadir.
Sida laamaha amniga ay sheegeen, ma jirto cid waxyeelo ka soo gaartay Bam gacmeedka lagu tuuray Saldhiga degmadaas.
Ciidamada amniga ayaa dardar gelinaya howgallada lagu xoojinayo amniga caasimadda si aysan cadowgu uga faa’iideysan.
Wafdi uu hogaaminayo Safiirka Sweden ee Soomaaliya Stafan Tillender ayna weheliyaan Xubno kale ayaa maanta Garowe soo gaaray, waxayna Madaxtooyada kula kulmeen Madaxweyne Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni.Labada dhinac waxay ka wada badaleen Arimaha murugsan ee Doorashada iyadoo Madaxweyne Deni uu Wafdiga uga mahadceliyey kaalmada ay siiyaan Soomaaliya.
Warar hoose oo Puntlandi ka heleen kulankaas waxay sheegayaan in Madaxweyne Deni uu sheegay in Doorashadu wakhtigeeda ku dhacdo iyadoo la tixgalinayo Go’aamadii ay Musharixiintu soo saareen.
Hoos ka daawo Sawirada
Madaxweynaha Jubbaland Axmed Maxamed Islaam (Madoobe) ayaa ka hadlay xaaladda Doorashada Soomaaliya, isagoo si cad u sheegay inaysan doorasho ku dhici karin sida hadda xaalku yahay.
Isagoo ka hadlayay magaalada Kismaayo oo uu maanta dib ugu laabtay ayuu sheegay in laga sugayo magacaabid guddi doorasho oo la rabo inay ka howlgalaan Kismaayo iyo Garbahaarey, laakiin Gobolka Gedo lagu sii daayey jabhado iyo ciidan ayna sheeganayaan Jubaland.
Sida kaliya ee Doorasho uga dhici karto Gedo ayuu sheega inay tahay in gacanta maamulkiisa lagu soo celiyo Gobolkasi oo ay ka howlgalaan. “Madaxda Federaalka waa inay fuliyaan wixii lagu heshiiyey .. waxaan diyaar u yahay inaan qabano doorasho – laakiin waa marka aan ka howlgalno Gobolka” ayuu yiri Axmed Madoobe.
“Doorasho kuma dhaceyso sida ay maanta xaaladu tahay iyo nooca afduubka socda. Dadka Mas’uuliyadda ay saaran tahay sida Madaxweynaha waa inay kala saaraan Hannaanka Doorashada iyo ololahooda… Ma dhaceyso Doorasho Harqaan baa tegayaa Dharkan baan tolanayaa ee sidaa ha la ii doorto.. ma dhaceyso” ayuu si kulul u yiri Axmed Madoobe oo taageeray baaqii shirka musharixiinta Madaxweynaha ee Muqdisho.
Wuxuu ka codsaday Madaxda Dowladda Soomaaliya, beesha calamka iyo dowlad Goboleedyada in dalka la badbadiyo, isagoo ka diga in mar kasta kasta oo waqtigu jiitamo dalku sii gelayo dhib iyo caqabad.